By
Mahatma Gandhi
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
I have no hand in choosing the bhajans that are sung these days. But often the bhajan that is sung fits the occasion. Today’s bhajan says that in the company of the good one forgets the notions of self and others and no one is an enemy or a stranger. This indeed is the need of the hour. But everyone coming to me says, ’However much you may shout, the separation is going to endure. Each party must consolidate itself. I do not like this kind of talk, though I am not much worried either. I shall continue to say that what has happened has happened; only it should not be sealed and made permanent.
As you know, when the prayer ended yesterday, a friend asked a question. I asked him to put it in writing. He has done so. He says that if the decision about Pakistan is not undone he and his wife will both end their lives by fasting and they will do the fasting here at this spot.¹ But if someone must fast it is I. There is a philosophy about everything, that is, there are certain laws and certain methods for doing everything. Even a small thing like the charkha has a philosophy. We did not know it before but now a theory has been evolved, and we have come to realize the power of the charkha. I go so far as to say that the whole world will gain its freedom through the charkha. The world will not be freed through the atom bomb. There are two kinds of Shastras in the world—one satvik and the other rajasik, one conforming to dharma, the other not conforming to dharma. The shastra of the atom bomb does not conform to dharma. It does not show faith in God. It usurps the place of God.
Fasting, similarly, has its shastra. Fasting not governed by a philosophy does not conform to dharma. If someone says he will fast so long as God does not appear before him, he may well die but God will not appear before him.
Fasting for a public cause also has its shastra and I am the only one adequately versed in it. I cannot consider the fast proposed as conforming to dharma. My heart is not going to be touched by it. The world too will have no sympathy with it. I should therefore advise the couple to give up this idea and return to their home. This does not mean that they should sit still. We must not let the thought enter our minds that we have become separated. Let us not recognize Pakistan in our hearts; let us not consider anyone an enemy or an outsider.
All this will come about by keeping the company of the good, by reading noble works and by giving up wicked thoughts. Only then will our hearts become cleansed of evil thoughts. Cleansing the heart is not an easy thing. Only by uttering Ramanama can this be accomplished.
But our minds today are filled with hankering after comforts. We will not think of Rama but rather of a cigar. Our thoughts turn in wrong directions. People continue to proclaim that they will teach the Muslims a lesson. We thus lend support to the argument for the perpetuation of Pakistan.
It is Mr. Jinnah who created Pakistan. We had not thought it possible even in our dreams that he would manage to get it. But he is a brave man. With the help of the British he has succeeded in getting Pakistan. If we now shut our eyes to it and go about saying that we shall teach the Muslims a lesson it is not going to undo the fact of Pakistan.
I am not asking you to kowtow to the Muslims. One does not kowtow to one’s younger brother. One does one’s duty by one’s younger brother and earns his trust.
You will have seen from the newspapers that I had been to see the Viceroy today.² The Viceroy asked me, “Did you see the newspapers today?” I said, I rarely saw newspapers. Then he said, “We have accomplished something good today.” He had received separate reports from the Hindus and the Mussalmans on the question of partition and was able to make them agree to produce a joint report.
What I say is that when two brothers have decided to separate it cannot be done by losing temper. If there is a chair in the house it cannot be broken into two. If there has to be division in the ratio of three and one the statistics will have to be worked out very carefully. The good thing we have started with the formation of a committee should be carried further. One’s goodness is not proved merely by one’s displaying a smile. If what we have is not merely sweet words but a sincere desire to work together, then I will say that the creation of Pakistan has been to the good. Then it will not be necessary to trouble the Viceroy. We shall merely tell the experts to sit together and compile an inventory that will satisfy both the parties. Where calculation helps we should resort to calculation. Where calculation does not help we should draw lots. But we must not fight.
Lastly, I have today received a lengthy wire from Sir C. P. Ramaswamy, the Diwan of Travancore, in which he has tried to explain to me that he has the support of the Christians and others in Travancore. I dislike such wires. By sugarcoating something bitter it cannot be made sweet. The very basis of the thing is wrong. “Come now, we are independent.” Independent of whom? Of the people? What is to be gained by becoming independent of India? Why do they indulge in this kind of circumlocution? They should boldly say that they are with India. Only then will it be said that they are loyal to their people; else they are disloyal to them.
[From Hindi]
Prarthana Pravachan—I, pp. 170-3
Notes
- 1. Gandhiji could not offer them hospitality as he himself was a guest there. So the couple fasted in front of the Bhangi Colony. They however yielded to Gandhiji’s advice the next day, i.e., June 18, and broke their fast saying henceforth they would devote themselves to constructive work; vide pp. 177-8.
- 2. Vide Appendix VI.
- 2. For the Viceroy’s report of the meeting, vide Appendix VII.
Notes
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